ये स्टालिनवादी वैचारिक बहुलता के विरोधी होते हैं / राकेश सिन्‍हा

सटीक, सारगर्भित लेख. डॉ राकेश सिन्हा को हिन्दी आउटलुक के जमाने में पढ़ने का मौक़ा मिला था. आपकी तार्किक शैली अच्छे अच्छो की बोलती बंद कर देती है. आपकी कलम और विचार को नामा. हार्दिक साधुवाद.

वैचारिक बहस को वैचारिक हे रखे
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विचार में ताकत होती है और यह लोगो को सोचने और बदलने के लिए बाध्य करती है. हर युग में एक बौद्धिक वातावरण हॉट अहि. जो उस बौद्धिक वातावरण में अगेंडा तय करता है और विमर्श का नेतृत्व करता है उसे dominant ideology कहते हैं. भारत के वर्तमान परिपेक्ष्य में जब नै चुनौतिया दस्तक दे रही हैं और समाज को विखंडित अर्थव्यवस्था के माध्यम से किया जा रहा है तब अणि सोच, समझ और नया ध्रुवीकरण आवश्यक हो जाता है. इसलिए प्रो राकेश सिन्हा के बौद्धिक गतिविदियो ने उस वातावरण को जन्म दिया जिसमे हर कोई यह प्रश्न कर रहा है की मिया उसके पास क्यों जाऊ और उसे हम क्यों बुलाये? जब परम्परागत ढाचा ढहता है तो ऐसी व्य्कुलाता और है तोबा अति स्वाभाविक है. प्रो सिन्हा की यह उक्ति बहुत ही अच्छा लगा की अभी और भी पत्थर फेके जाएँगे.
संवाद से ही वर्तमान सवारता है और भविष्य का रास्ता तय होता है. दो उदहारण ; प्रथम , जमींदारी और जागीरदरी के खिलाफ जब वैचारिक माहोल बन रहा था तब जनसंघ को conservative party की तरह देखा जाता था और लोग सोचते थे की यह ज़मींदारो के समर्थन में जाएगा. पर हुआ इसके विपरीत. राजस्थान विधान सभा में जब इसे हटाने की लिए विधेयक आया तब जनसंघ के पास तेरह विधायक थे. उनमे ११ ज़मींदारी के समर्थक थे. जनसंघ ने उन्हें दल से निकल दिया और पार्टी के पास मात्र २ विधायक रह गए. दूसरी घटना १९६७ की है. तब जनसंघ के द्देदयल उपाध्याय और समाजवादी राममनोहर लोहिया के बीच संवाद ने गैर कोंग्रेस्स्वाद को जन्म दिया और विपक्ष के सर्कार हिंदी प्रदेशो में बनी . तब जो महत्वपूर्ण बात थी वह समझाने की जर्रोरत है. कमुनिस्ट पार्टीस्वतंत्र और जनसंघ पार्टी के साथ सर्कार में शमिल हुई. राज्स्तःन में कमुनिस्ट के एक विधायक पर था की सर्कार कोंग्रेस की बने या विपक्ष की. कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी ने विपक्ष का साथ दिया. यहाँ तक की कम्युनिस्ट नेता भूपेश गुप्ता और स्वतंत्र पार्टी की महारानी गायत्री देवी ने एक साथ संवादाता सम्मलेन किया . इसके साथ तीसरी घटना है. जे पी जब जाना संघ के सम्मलेन में १९७३ में गए तो उन्हें कितनी गलिय पारी. पर वे दूरद्रष्टा थे. तब जे पी आन्दोलन के दौरान विपक्ष ने विधान सभा से इस्तीफा देने का निर्णय लिया. इसपर जन संघ के २५ विधायको में १४ ने विरोध किया . पार्टी ने उन्सब्को निकल दिया जिन्होंने बाद में जनार्दन तिवारी के नेत्रित्व में लोकतान्त्रिक विधायक दल का गठन किया. सम्वाद साहस और धैर्य की परीक्षा करता है. इसमें ईमानदारी की जरूरत होती है और दीनदयाल एवं लोहिया की तरह प्रतिबद्धता की. इसीसे नै लकीर खीची जाती है और सामायिक चुनौतिओयो का मुकाबला भी किया जाता है. भारत निति प्रतिष्ठान ने कुच्छ ऐसा ही कर दिखया है. आप देखिये आज बहस का अगेंडा किसने सेट किया? आर प्रो राकेश सिन्हा पिच्छले कुच्छ वर्षो से पर्तिबद्धता उअर एक दूरगामी समझ के आधार पर निरंतर प्रयास नहीं करते तो क्या यह स्थिति बन पाती ? उन्होंने जनसत्ता जैसे अख़बार को बाध्य कर दिया की एक महीने तक इस प्रकरण में उलझ जाए. wampanthi कार्यकताओ को लग रहा है की पहली बार आर एस एस के एजेंडा के आधार पर वे बौद्धिक बहस में उलझे हैं. मैंने भी मोहल्ला और जनपथ जैसे वेब पत्रिका को पढ़ा है और आप भी पढ़िए और फिर गौर कीजिये. राकेश सिन्हा dwara डॉ हेडगेवार पर शोध कोई सामान्य जीएवानी नहीं है. आप संघ एवा संघ के विरोधी दोनों प्रकार के लोगो जिन्होंने उसे पढ़ा है पूछिए! वे एक स्तःपित चिन्तक के रूप में उभरे हैं इसे मार्क्सवादी पत्रिका समयांतर ने अपने नवीनतम अंक में एक तरह से स्वीकार किया है.
प्रो सिन्हा ने कई पहलुओ को छोया है. उनमे एक व्यक्तिगत जीवन में सच्चरित्रता की बात की है. लोग बौद्धिकता का मतलब जैसे तैसे किताब छापना समझते है. राकेश सिन्हा के सामने की चुनौतियों को देखे. कौन है उन्हें बौद्धिक स्टार पर समर्तःन के लिए? क्या वे किसी महत्वपूर्ण पद पर है? वे मार्क्सवादी माफिया के सबसे बड़े पीरित व्यक्ति हैं. मार्क्सवादियो के दुर्ग दिल्ली विश्विद्यालय के राजनितिक विज्ञान विभाग में प्रथम आ जाना और स्वर्ण पदक लेना उन्हें ललकारने और चुनौती देने के सामान था. तभी तो उन्होंने उनसे और गोडसे में समानत सम्बंधित प्रश्न पूछा था जिसका ऐसा जवाब दिया की वे भी छप रह गए. यह व्यक्तिगत प्रशंशा नहीं है बल्कि एक phenomena है. उनके जीवन के इन प्रशनो को उनसे अलग कैसे किया जा सकता है? आखिर टी व् चैनल उन्हें ही क्यों बुलाता है? क्या वे संघ में कोई पद या बी जे पि में किसी पद पर हैं? एक सांध्य college के प्राध्यापक को कौन पूछता ई. पर सीना ने सवित कर दिया है की व्यक्ति यदि संपन्न हो तो मंच या पद का महत्व वह निर्धारित करता है. सच्चर कमिटी के ऊपर किसने हजारो पपेग पढ़कर पूरे सेकुलर तंत्र और बौद्धिक धरा को कटघर में खड़ा किया ? उन्होंने चलिस हजार पृष्ठों पढ़कर इस कमिटी की असलियत को उजागर किया. क्या मिला इसके एवज में उन्हें? इमानदार और प्रतिबद्ध व्यक्ति इसी तरह समर्पण बहो से कम करता है. अगर ऐसे दस लोग हो जाए तो वैकल्पिक धरा का सामाजिक दर्शन का अधिपत्य स्थापित हो जाएगा. .
संवाद एक मजबूत shastra है जो समाज का परिष्कार और बौद्धिक आन्दोलन को समाजोपयोगी बनता है. दूर के पंकत में बैठकर या अपने घर में ही वह वही lootakar आप समाज का नेत्रित्व नहीं कर सकते हैं. आपको तो अपने अफसाने के सतत दूसरो का भी अफसाना सुनना होगा. यही प्रक्रिया भारत निति प्रतिष्टां ने आरम्भ किया है. प्रवक्ता को इसके लिए साधुवाद देना चाहिए की इसने इसे आगे बढ़ने का कम किया है. इस संवाद में कितनी ताकत है की ऐसे अनेक लोग आज प्रवक्ता से जूद गए जो अब तक इस तक नहीं पहुँच सके थे. आप के पास तो statistics होगा ही. एक ही बात दुखद है की लोग पूरे बहस को गली गलुज के स्टार परले जाते हैं. आराजकता से बहस नहीं होती है. शब्दों का सार्थक स्वरुप से रचंत्मक बहस होती है जो jaari रहना चाहिए.

कल दोपहर से मैं 3 दिन मिथिला के प्रवास में रहूंगा -लौटने पर ही उत्तर दे पाऊं- यह मेरी मिथिला की (जबसे मैंने इस पुण्य कार्य में हाथ १९९२ से दिया है ) १२३ वीं यात्रा होगी ५२८ दिनों की रांची या बंगलोरे से वहां जाने की
मिथिला के बहार मैथिलों से मिलने में भी मेरी इस अवधि में २४२ यात्रायें हुई हैं जिसमे ५६८ दिन मैंने लगये है सभी अपने खर्चे पर और अपनी छुट्टियां नौकरी से लगा -इसमें मेरे मेडिकल संगठन का भी काम कुछ हुआ है वैसे उसकी सूची १९७७-९२ के बीच बनाने से शायद मैं भारत में इस तरह सबसे अधिक घूमनेवाला हो जाउंगा कोई ८-९ लाख किलोमीटर

प्रियंका –बहुत तार्किक उत्तर दिया आपने?
मैं नीचे स्तर पर संवाद आप के साथ नहीं करूँगा| आप को ही अंतिम शब्द कहने का अधिकार देता हूँ|
क्या मैं, हिंदी में उत्तर की अपेक्षा कर सकता हूँ? हिंदी शालीनता प्रदान करती है|
अंतिम शब्द आपका ही रहेगा|
इस विषय पर–
नमस्ते|

to all those who live in makeshift world: if you are able to create an illusion for yourself and argue on that , then it completely becomes a false base, your whole argument is on false base.
Moreover, no body has time to investigating who are You/ people got to know your strength , talent and spirit when you could not stop yourself to start your argument ” foolish old man”. at least you realised the soft bahaviour of Shri Thakur, his modsty, tolerance, if you could learn this from him it would be great in your/our life. best wishes.don’t get an image of abuser, a naegationist and working with others wisdom as a campigner either For or Against.!

आदरणीय धनकर जी .
मेरा उद्देश्य किसी को हतोतासाहित करना नहीं है परन्तु विमर्श में किसी को ‘मूर्ख ‘ और ‘बुड्ढा’ कहना कितना उचित है? मई आपको नहीं जानत परन्तु आपके द्वारा अपने बारे में लिखे गए आधार पर मैंने इसका प्रतिवाद किया है. संस्कार की बात करना क्या अनुचित है. अगर लगता है की आप दोनों के बीच विमर्श में मेरा हस्तक्षेप अनुचित है और इस तरह की भाषा पर महिला के नाम पर आपत्ति नहीं की जाए और मेरे किसी बात से कोई तकलीफ हुई या उसे अप्प्तीजनक समझा गया तो मै उसके लिए ह्रदय से माफ़ी मंगाता हूँ. प्रवक्ता ने तो अछे उद्देश्य से बहस शुरू किया पर लोग सतही बातो की ओर बहस ले गए . इसीलिए वामपंथी हमसे बजी मर ले जाते हैं. वे केन्द्रित होकर बहस करते हैं और हम आपस में ही उलझ जाते हैं. क्या यही हमारी नियति है?

“you are yet another foolish old man whose habit of reading few radical newspaper and propoganda books makes him believe that his way of interpreting world view is the correct one. “The way you explained Godse- sinha comparision, Godhra and Babri masjid episode, RSS and Hedgewar clearly shows that you are a naive newspaper reader who has been severly indoctrinated by rightwing hindu outfits.I wanted to answer your belief; the areas which you mentioned but its just going to be the waste of my time “—-प्रियंका पाण्डे
—–DO NOT WASTE YOUR TIME

वैचारिक बहस से परहेज किन्हें और क्यों है?
जब मंगलेश डबराल प्रकरण सामने आया तब वामपंथ में खलबली मच गयी. वे आपस में आक्रमक हो गए. उन्हें संघ प्रेरित संस्था में जाना नागवार गुजरा. प्रो राकेश सिन्हा पर जमकर प्रहार हुआ. राकेश सिन्हा चुपचाप बहस देखते रहे. जब ओम थानवी ने बहस का अंत किया तब उन्होंने अपने फसबूक पर जवाब लिखा जिससे बहस आगे बढ़ा. उन्होंने वामपंथ की बौद्धिक परंपरा पर प्रमाणों के साथ वैचारिक प्रहार किया परन्तु वह प्रहार उन्हें उनकी नियत और परिस्थिति का आभाष करने के लिए था. उन्होंने उभरती हुई चुनौतियों की ओर ध्यान दिलाते हुए एवं संवाद की आवश्यकता बताते हुए उन्होंने उन वाम लेखको को जवाब दिया की संघ किसी से वैधानिकता का मुहताज नहीं है , हेडगेवार-गोलवलकर अधिष्ठान की जमीं मजबूत है. वामपंथी ब्लॉग जनपथ ने सिन्हा जी के जवाब को एक मिल का पत्थर मानते हुए वामपंथियों से अपील की की इसका जवाब ढूढे परन्तु दो जवाब आये वे उस बहस के कमजोर कड़ी सिद्ध हुए.
राकेशजी की डॉ हेडगेवार की पुस्तक को मैंने पढ़ा है. यह एक प्रमाणिक शोध कार्य का प्रमाण है. इसे संघ के समर्थको एवं विरोधियों द्वारा खूब पढ़ा जाता है. आपको बता दूँ की यु पी ए सरकार ने इसका दूसरा संस्करण छपा है और प्रकाशन विभाग की इस श्रंखला में सबसे अधिक बिकने वाली पुस्तक है! इसका कारण है की उन्होंने इसमें कहानी किस्से नहीं लिखे हैं बल्कि वैचारिक प्रश्नों को उठाया है. आज वे बौद्धिक जगत में अपनी साख के बदुअलत ही भारत नीति प्रतिष्ठान को एक उचाई प्रदान किया है.
भारत नीति प्रतिष्ठान का सबसे अच्छा उपक्रम दो दर्जनों उर्दू अखबारों का नियमित अनुवाद है और इसका पाक्षिक विश्लेषण मुझे नियमित मिल रहा है. आपको जानकर आश्चर्य होगा की इंडियन डिफेंस स्टडीज एंड अनालिसिस में इसे महत्वपूर्ण दस्तावेज के रूप में संग्रह किया जाता है. ऐसे कई संस्तःन हैं जहाँ यह संग्रह किया जा रहा है. आज देश भर में कौन संस्था है जिसने इस काम के महत्त्व को समझकर नियमित और लगातार काम किया हो ?
भारत क्त थिंक टंक किस स्थिति समझने के लिए जो कार्य इसने बिरला इंस्टिट्यूट ऑफ़ मैनेजमेंट एंड टेक्नोलोजी के साथ करना शुरू किया है वह अभिनंदनीय है. ४२२ थिंक तंकस कस अध्ययन कोई आसन काम नहीं है. तभी तो विचार्दाहरा से हटकर शिबल गुप्ता , जनक पण्डे, अबू सालेह शरीफ जैसे लोग इसके संगोष्ठी में आये!
पन्दहावी लोक सभा के सामाजिक आधार पर इसकी पुस्तक छपने जा रही है तो राज्य सभा में १२ नामांकित सदस्यों की भूमिका और उसकी प्रासंगिकता, मनोनयन के मापदंडो पर शोध कार्य इसके द्वारा किया जा रहा है.
शत्रु संपत्ति अधिनियम में संशोधन के खिलाफ इसके शोधपूर्ण दस्तावेज ने गृह मंत्रालय के स्तःयी समिति को प्रवावित किया तो काननों मंत्रालय और गृह मंत्रालय को इसके निदेशक राकेश सिन्हा सामान अवसर आयोग पर लिखित पुस्तक ने झकझोरा. इन दोनों बातो कास समाचार भी राष्ट्रीय अखबारों में आया है. क्या इस उपलब्धि को असाधारण नहीं माने ?
जनगणना के ऊपर इसका महत्वपूर्ण कार्य हुआ. जब बाबा रामदेव पर घटक हमला हुआ तो इसने जो पुस्तिका निकली उसे पढ़कर प्रतिष्ठान की चेतना के स्टार को समझा जा सकता है.
सांप्रदायिक एवं लक्षित हिंसा विधेयक २०११ पर राकेश सिन्हा के हस्तक्षेप पत्र पर जनसत्ताएवं अन्य अखबारों में समाचार आया की गृह मंत्रालय ने इसके द्वारा उतःये गए objections को गंभीरता से लिया है . इसी विषय पर प्रतिष्ठान ने राष्ट्रीय एकता परिषद् की बहस और राष्ट्रीय सलाहकार परिषद् के निहितार्थ का तुलनात्मक अध्ययन के साथ साथ राष्ट्रीय सलाहकार परिष के सदस्यों के बारे में जानकारियों को प्रकाशित किया है.
तीन वर्षो में इस संस्था ने जो काम किया वह इसके वेबसाइट पर उपलब्ध है और इसी कार्य ने इसे बौद्धिक जगत में मान्यत दी है. यह सब मैंने प्रतिष्ठान के बारे में इसलिए लिखा है जो बहस कर रहे हैं वे काम से काम थोड़ी जानकारी जरूर रखे. अनर्गल लिखना या काल्पनिक बाते करना या आलोचना करना आसन होता है , ठोस हस्तक्षेप करना कठिन होता है.इसी प्रतिष्ठान ने रंगनाथ मिश्र आयोग के सदस्य सचिव आशा दास को बुलाकर उनसे वे बाते कह्वायी जिससे आयोग कठघरे में खड़ा हो गया . वैचारिक बहस करने के लिए सिन्हा जी ने जो सतर्कता बरती और वैचरिक प्रश्नों को आगे बढाया इसी ने हमारे जैसे लोगो को इससे जुड़ने के लिए प्रेरित किया.

प्रियंका पाण्डेय, आपको किस विश्वविद्यालय और किस प्रोफ़ेसर ने राजनितिक विज्ञान पढाया है? किस परिवार का संस्कार है की बौद्धिक विमर्श करते हुए सभी व्यक्ति को ‘मूर्ख’ ‘बुद्ध’ कहकर प्रहार किया जाए? यह संस्कार है ? धनाकर ठाकुर सामान्य व्यक्ति नहीं हैं! उन्होंने एक संगठन खड़ा किया है! चिकित्सक होकर भी समाज निर्माण का काम किया है, उनकी अपनी समझ है और उन्होंने स्पष्टता के साथ उसे रखा. उन्होंने आपको बेटी की तरह देखा तो आपने उन्हें ‘मूर्ख बुड्ढा’ कहकर अपमानित किया. उनमे मिथिला का संस्कार है परन्तु जब वे जवाब देंगे तो आपकी आवाज नहीं निकलेगी. यही समस्या है कन्वेंट से पढ़े लोगो का. उनमे संस्कार नहीं डाला जाता है. आजकल तो परिवार में भी बच्चे को उपेक्षित रखा जाता है परिणाम हम देख रहे हैं. समझ बढाकर लिखना चाहिए. आपका पत्र तो गली कुची के भी समाचार पात्र में छपने लायक नहीं है और चली हैं धनाकर ठाकुर को अपशब्द कहने. तुमको यह जन्म बीत जाएगा इस मिथिला के सपूत का मुकाबला करने में. इसने संघ और समाज को जीवन समर्पित किया है, उन्हें तुम गोडसे और गाँधी मत पढाओ. संस्कार तो देर से आता है पर साधना और योग के द्वारा आ सकता है. तुम ठाकुर जी से माफ़ी मांगो यह संस्कार लेने की पहली करी होगी…

जूठे पात्र में शुद्ध जल डालने पर वह जूठा ही हो जाएगा|
पात्र तो स्वच्छ होगा नहीं|

सम्माननीय डॉ. धनाकर ठाकुर जी,
आपके लेख को मैं ने अलग उतार कर सुरक्षित रख लिया है।
समय लेकर पूरा पढूंगा।
आप मुझे mjhaveri@ umassd .edu
पर सम्पर्क करें।

बन्धु मधुसूदन्जी,
आपके नाम ही से स्मृति हो आती हाई मधुसुदन गोपाल देव , बिहार के प्रान्त प्रचारक जिन्होंने अपनी गोद में मुझे जरूर खिलाया होगा !
कोई विषय दिया जाये तो लेख लिखा जा सकता है वैसे मुझ चिकित्सक की बुद्धि क्या? इसके लायक शायद ही मैं हूँ
मुझे संघ पर ख़तरा संघ के विरोधियों से नही संघ में घुसे चापलूसों से अधिक लगता है
मेरे मित्र डॉ केलकर ने संघ पर एक किताब लिखी है लौस्ट ईअर्स आफ आर आर एस .
वैसे उन्होंने काफी काम संघ में रह किया – कुछ महीने पूर्व मैंने उसपर आ लोचना लिखना प्राम्भ किया -पता नहीं उतनी लम्बी होने पर कंही छपे भी नहीं इसलिए लिखने का मन ही टूट गया
मैं आपको वह भाग भेज रहा हूँ – उससे आपको मेरी सोचने की धारा स्पस्ट हो जायेगी
वैसे अब न तो केलकर संघ में है न ही मैं
मेरे पिता संघचालक थे पर ८ वर्ष के उम्र से से मैं लगातार कार्य कर रहा हूँ – मेडिकल क्षेत्रमे संघ का संगठन अन एम् ओ बनाया पर २००२ से मुखे स्वत्रंत कर दिया गया , जानने को मुझे माँ. मोहनजी से दत्तात्रये होस्बोले तक के उम्र के प्रायः सभी प्रचारक जानते होंगे .मेरे इतना प्रवास शायद ही किसी प्रचारक ने भी किया हो-गैर प्रचारक, नौकरी करनेवाले में तो कोई संभव ही नहीं, अब प्रायः मैं मिथिला के गाँव में मिथिला प्रांत बनाने के लिए घूमता हूँ वैसे साहित्य में कह्नीयाँ, कवितायेँ भी लिखता हूँ और गीता के अनुवाद(जिसपर परमपूज्य शंकराचार्य का आशीर्वचन है ) ने मुझे काफी सम्मान मैथिलीभाशीयों के बीच दिला दिया है
“The Lost Years of the RSS,” is a book on the RSS by a Bal swaymsevak (a RSS member since early childhood) who after his MD went to deep south from Mumbai with his wife, MS, to establish a hospital for the needy.
The author informs in the book that he had left the RSS for some reasons but the whole book is in a tone that he has been a part of it. I am also an MD and had been a swaymsevak of the RSS. Dr. Kelkar left the RSS but the RSS left me. Dr. Kelkar established a hospital of repute .I founded firmly an organization of medicos touring 163 medical colleges.

We have been good friends and when Dr. Kelkar sent me his book I read it page to page and tried to find more in between the lines he had spoken and it was apparent to me that as per him, the better title would have been the ‘Last years,’ than the ‘Lost years’ of the RSS to which he is still rooted despite his claims against and had even presented a prescription of its revival.

I had been telling that the personality of its founder Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar was not taller than the Lord Buddha (whose sect to was divided and none remained Buddhist in its native land because it has some inherent fallacies) and hence it too will be divided and lost in the span of time as any brilliant star is converted to a black hole.

I had in my (unpublished) book had written, “I was more influenced by RSS’s founder than his lifetime work,” and later I used to say that he was a great adaptive person being genealogically a Telugu person though lived for generation in Marathi speaking Nagpur.

While I would have liked to trace the history of the RSS in three phases- Dr. Hedgewar-era, Guruji-era and post Guruji- era, Dr. Kelkar has surmised its story in Headgewar-Deoras legacy versus Golwalkar legacy and here he has been trapped forgetting the fact that Hedgewar had chosen Golwalkar without any pressure on him and Golwalkar again preferred Deoras without any pressure on him and Kelkar’s talk of the lost years of the RSS (the ‘silent years of Deoras 1952-1961) does not establish Golwalkar’s anti-Deoras stand maybe it is pointing to the author Kelkar’s own preference of the RSS’s working direction.

True, Deoras was dynamic which I too have witnessed in my personal experience when I was 22 years and had no difficulty in explaining my ideas of a national organization of medicos which was later vetoed by him,’Dhanakar is organizing a national conference at Jamshedpur, tomorrow he will call an international conference, now this talk should stop( in the central meeting of the RSS where only the Sah prant pracharaks( Joint state organizers) level workers are allowed and one of them had objected on my initiative of a national conference in 1986– and it was disclosed to me by my prant pracharak( state organizer) who loved my work immensely).

Though I had four occasions to see Guruji( during 1968-73) when I was an adolescent of 13-18 years, I had many occasions to meet Deoras and every time I was encouraged.

Deoras (born 1915) had immense respect for Golwalkar (born 1906). Not only was he 9 years junior to him’ Golwalkar had more a saint image which knows no age. Once Dr.Abajee Thatte (born 1918 who was my guide was personal assistant to both) told me that Deoras after the demise of Golwalkar had asked him as to why he did not tell that he was nominated as the successor since being ill he was filling himself unfit for the tedious job. Dr.Abaji had told that because it was not to be divulged though he had those envelopes.
Golwalkar was a gem, Dr. Hedgewar could find and because Dr. Hedgewar had nominated him after thorough scrutiny any doubt on his choice is as if one doubts on Hedgewar!

Deoras might have differences with Golwalkar and his ‘silent periods,’ might have been a period of turmoil in his personal age related problem of an unmarried youth of 37 and his younger brother Bhaurao had even tried for his late marriage as per information to me by a pracharak Madhusudan Bapat to me who was very affectionate to me and had once told me that he was asked by Golwalkar to talk to Bahurao and bring him back and Bhaurao re-established him as ‘prant pracharak’ of UP (He narrated an episode. He had taken some sandal sticks from Maharashtra which burnt in exact one hour and had instructed Bhauro if somebody would put abnormal questions he (Bapat) would command, ‘Today’s time is over. Uttistha(Stand up),’ and you (Bhaurao) will keep mum and thus it happened at such second meeting at second place and Bhaurao who had left his position was reestablished by him successfully.
Previously the same Bhaurao was going to Patna City frequently for his potato business related work and once Eknath Ranade had instructed Patna swaymsevaks in hard words to avoid him!
Despite that they all worked together.
The thesis Dr. Kelkar has presented is untenable to most of the swayamsevaks across the country that Golwalkar’s years’ were lost merely because he concentrated to RSS work and did not like to diversify in major areas except religion as VHP.

Many swaymsevaks do believe that Golwalkar was an incarnation of Swami Vivekanada; born on 19.2.1906,only after 594 days or some 20 months of Vivekananda’s death on 4.7.1904. Marathi Golwalkar had been to Sargachhi ashram of Ramkrishna Mission in W. Bengal and had become a disciple of Swami Akhandananda, the guru-bhai of Swami Vivekananda who had the kamandalu (water pot) of Vivekanada which was transferred to Golwalkar!
Kelkar rightly says in this book that Golwalkar tried to do the unfinished work of Vivekanada.
Golwalkar even delegated the task of building Vivekanada Rock Memorial to his closest aide Eknath Ranade, the master man-maker who had once said,’ putting merely brick upon brick is not my work,’ and his work showed the glory of Vivekanada to the world and the trained workers from Kanyakumari were sent to other distant part of the country, Arunachal Pradesh.
Why Golwalkar chose to establish the eastern saint Vivekanada at the deep south of the country and why Eknath sent his disciples to the top north-east again? Because they had a full vision of the nation. I was happy to collect some money by selling 10 paisa stamps of Swami Vivekanada issued in 1962 when I was seven years old and I collected those at the Indo-Nepal border town Forbesganj, again a point of national unity!

Afterwards I met Eknath Rande and had asked Deoras to appoint him my guide. Deoras did not tell me anything, any hint that he had disliking for Eknath! They might have thus as per Kelkar’s book however I was informed by some seniors that it was Eknath who provided the intellectual architecture of the RSS, who by arranging 51st birthday celebration of Golwalkar could arrange funds to make deficit RSS had during ban days ,which is hinted in this book also.

Many persons like me feel that Golwalkar’s staunch foundation could flourish Deoras’s ideas of mass social work which no doubt in his time had its zenith but at the same time many of us feel that neglect of RSS work and development of sacrifice lover workers lead to the deterioration of the standards in RSS and its affiliates’ work.
Who can be blamed for this deterioration? Deoras / Post- Guruji era which took so much political branding for which RSS was probably not intended by its founder though Kelkar has put the opposite view and that is the main lank of the treatise, well written, documented but self-contradicting.

I feel in between the era the influence of ‘capitalism’ is also responsible for that.
In a line I can say, “RSS is politicized and the BJP is Congressized.” and here lies the maladies.

The chaturvarnya system so eloquently discussed in the book has lost its deliverance in the RSS milieu that the RSS should have behaved as a purist, Brahmincal way, away from political ambition and also it was an anti-thesis of its founder’s view who though was a top grade nationalist was never a politician.

Golwalkar continued that tradition, as opposite to Kelkar is my view while in post- Golwalkar days it was diffused and for the public mind BJP became more influential that the mother RSS and so on VHP (at least in some parts of the country) which again created a lot of problems. The schooling of the RSS was overshadowed by its pupil’s working in a wrong direction , mostly being almost ct by the naval to have nourishment of sanskar.

Golwlkar 17 years younger to Dr. Headgewar was a right choice, maybe elder Appaji or younger Deoras would have been drastic. Hedgewar’s experience with seniors was not good (as with Balaji Huddar, the first Sarkaryavah who later left RSS and became communist).

Golwalkar’s ripe choice was Deoras though older but became agile. Might be Eknath/ Deendayal, if alive would have continued Golwalkar line , if it was at all different from Deoras. And after them Sheshdri/ Thengdi whom Kelkar has criticized but swyamsevaks all over liked them from the core of their heart.

Thengadi’s opposition to the economic policies of the NDA Govt. was not baseless- the selling of BALCO and Centaur Hotel were at a much low value that it had and it created a doubt among all PSU workers which I felt being serving there!

I do not feel like Kelkar that Dr. Hedgewar was a true ‘Tilkite’(p.2) as people have a notion that Hedgewar must have been a Garamdaliya like Tilak but it must be known to him that Tilak was also one who had compromised with Muslim League lead by Jinnah at Lucknow Congress in 1916,which accepted ” Muslims should be given one-third representation in the central government, separate electorates for all the communities until a community demanded joint electorates,” which later became the basis of Gandhi’s seeking cooperation with Muslims even at the cost of being labeled as ‘appeasement which ultimately resulted in the partition of the country on 2:1 basis.
Dr, Hedgewar in fact postulated India as ‘Hindu Rastra’ which was not a coinage of Golwalkar nor was ever criticized or revised by Deoras which has been shown in the book at various instances.( p. )
In fact Dr. Hedgewar had postulated that Hindu Sangathan was ‘the pill for every ill’ and once Hindus were organized to some extent(after 1977 triumph in election) Deoras had tested the thesis of Dr. Hedgewar that ‘friendship with anyone should be at equal term(and so rivalry, after all it was Muslim League which was formed earlier in 1906 than even the Hindu Mahasabha).

Dr. Hedgewar was also not convinced with Hindu Mahasabha and or Savarkar in toto otherwise he too would have been their part despite being a ‘solo traveler with a pan Indian Hindu vision at a time when hardly any one was willing to proclaim him/her a Hindu.

Further it was not the Tilak who lit fire for independence(p.3) but was Swami Vivekanada’s pace work of nationalism on which sprouted Aurobindo’s revolutionary work and by 1907 changed the Congress ‘s behavior which in 1906 at Calcutta had declared ‘swarj’ as its goal under the presidentship of Dadabhai Nairoji and scores of revolutionary work was carried on in India and abroad to which Dr. Hedgewar was well informed and had even chosen Calcutta to participate in those more than to study medicine , formally, and that too in a medial college established by nationalistic people.

I do not agree that different caste divisions (p.18) did not improve to sublimate their narrow tendencies. In fact Ananad Coomarswami had written that due to caste divisions only Hindus resisted to be fully Islamized as that happened in Indonesia etc.
What Golwalkar did like that of Hedgewar that he talked minimum on this issue many of the swaymsevaks known for decades were not knowing other swayamsevak’s castes which was a pleasant surprise to Gandhiji also when he had visited RSS camps.

When I was young I also used to think that Golwalkar’s voice on it would have worked like a magic which he did not use for this reason that it would go in generations.
I listened to Jayprakash Narayan in a RSS meeting at Patna where he had appreciated RSS and had said that as RSS had a leadership of higher up(Brahmins) leadership their views would be accepted by Hindu society.
From that token also JP accepted that the national problem is largely if not wholly were due to Hindus’ problems.

Hindu tradition is the base of India (p.19) and Assam’s divisions’ solo non-Hindu name .’Nagaland’ was also in fact derived from Nag ( a species of serpents or serpent worshippers) where non-Christians i.e. Nagas whether they call themselves Hindus or not are almost one third where I was the first Hindu missionary doctor to lead a team of the NMO doctors in 1988 and still NMO continues to serve north-eastern states’ interior by Dhanvantari Yatras of the NMO.
Not only naval ships or aircrafts were mostly named on Hindu legacy almost all states were named on them and older ones are being replaced gradually Chennai from Madras, Mumbai on Mumba Devi from Bombay, Kolkata on Kali from Calcutta and not that were from the RSS inspired BJP bit some of the RSS-BJP antagonists also while Modi could not make Karnavati yet official for Ahmedabad or Sanskrit a state language(while smaller Uttarakhand could do so).

Whether Hedgewar was influences by Savarkar(p.21) or not RSS accepts every one whose ‘Punyabhumi”(holy place) is India land is a Hindu..and hence Dalai Lama was treated as Hindu at the time of Golwalkar itself, not to talk of Jainis and Sikhs who too have scores of RSS workers. Among traditional Buddhists( on Himalayan borders or Tripura’s Chakmas) RSS have little influence but they consider them Hindus and likewise amongst the Neo-Buddhists for mainly those were converted on political thoughts, however, lately RSS added Ambedkar’s name too in its long list of great persons.
I feel now when many children are born out of India, the concept of ‘Janmbhumi’ matribhumi’ or ‘pitribhumi’ should not be a qualifying mark for Hindu which all may be auxiliary if ‘punyabhumi’ concept is taken and that also explains the thesis of anti-Hindus of Golwalkar( Muslims, Christians, Communists) not by virtue of being non-Hindus (as Zorastrians or Parsis were always labeled as nationalists by the RSS or Jews were never added to the list of anti-Hindus.
What RSS hypothesized that Indian nation itself is a goddess and all its children are Hindus but the problem with Muslims, Christians and Communists are that they are accustomed to think even the land of their birth as pious; for them Pakistan was ‘pious land’ because it was Islamic, for them religion was taken to be more important than forefathers or history and culture and so India was divided.
The long debate on the ‘Hindu Rastra,’ notion of the RSS has been inconclusive as ‘inclusiveness.’ To other religious groups have resulted more in dividing the nation or lessening its boundaries(only Zorastrians or Parasis were exception to it). To my argument, because Muslims spoke of ‘Two-nation Theory,’ and got Pakistan out of that the RSS’s claim is vindicated that India was a Hindu Rastra and it should be . Mind that 16 % of Muslims got 33 % pf Indian land and wealth while only 9% of them remained in Pakistan(only few migrated there in lieu of the great ‘ refuge’ influx to the Indian side both west and east and even now Bangladeshis are infiltrating. Likewise a sizable portion of Kashmir was annexed by Pakistan and infiltration is unabated.
The demand of Kashmir’s independence and exodus of Kahmiri Hindus(Pandits is a tactical word to have unfavourable feelings from the caste divided Hindus by majority non-Hindus forgetting the fact that Hindus think alike when there is a problem with non-Hindus).
This example simply vindicates that if Hindus are in minority the national boundary of the India is getting reduced.
So whatever arguments may be put by secularists, the fact remained that India is a Hindu nation where sizable non-Hindus reside and most of them are having extra- territorial localities or not they are not having equal reverence to the country which gives them a different status in the country despite Indian Constitution’s guarantee on Equality. It is because a great Muslim country and the world is on both sides of the India which has in fact no friend in the world, at least true friend as Hindus are living only in other small pockets of West Indies and Mauritius and Fiji and migrated Hindus in the western world are mostly materialistic at least not as much attached to their religion as other communities.

In fact RSS’s “Hindutwa’ is the belongingness to this Indian nation and has no much dogmas attached to it though it is not voraciously opposed to many sects within the Hindus itself and many in , on or tend just out of it. RSS is inclusive in its design and has a moderate view. RSS or Golwalkar(p 22) never said anything not fitting to the giant tree, true he could assembled many ‘peethadhees’ to proclaim equality of the hitherto untouchables of the Hindu community(p 23) and this was also appreciated and hoped by Jay Prakash Narayan in one of its meetings in 1977 where I was also present when he had said that base of high class (Brahmins he might have meant) among its fold RSS could deliver better for the oppressed. Indians listen to such gentle voice and Golwalkar’s was one thus which is in sharp contradiction to Kelkar’s views that Golwalkar pushed his ‘Chaturvarny theory,; one should be skeptical to analyze such versions as Dharma has very thin dividing line(Laxman Rekha) and many times it would be difficult for an outsider to comprehend what RSS practiced in its work. In long career of my relations with RSS, I never felt necessity to know other’s caste rather caste is the least talked thing in the RSS where basis of work is its good workers or pracharak’s simple life and showering of affection to all. I am surprised how Kelkar was caught in the nest, even today I do not know Kelkar’s caste though I know him at least since 1988, never I required –his wife had been probably only’ doctor Bhabhi’ for me among a list of such dozen odd relation. Whether he is a Brahmin or not he described in footnotes by behavior of his friends of RSS who left him must be a problem to his state of Maharashtra the name of which needs serious debate and dropping after Raj Thakre’s anti-Bihari episode , a neo-awtar of old Bal Thakre’s aversion to south again conviction to his Hindutwa love(A lover of Hindutwa opposing a Bhiya, a migrant form Lord Ram’s present UP or mother Seeta’s Mihtila of Bihar or even a Hindu south?).
No doubt some of the preset leaders of the RSS had wrong notion of nationalism.
Golwalkar had said to Kushabhau Thakre of the BJS in 1970s at Indore when my elder brother was denied a seat in the MP’s Post graduate science college.”Kusha Bhau when you’re BJS will have rule, you will break these states,” meaning India is one and no discrimination.
It is said that in the hey-days of Kannada-Marathi conflict a third year RSS trainee at Nagpur from Belgaum when replied Golwalkar that he was a Mahrastrawadi,(in fact word Maharshtra is not good name –what can be bigger than any nation? For Marthwada or other word Marathiwada or Shivajee Pradesh would have been better than this nonsense word )- he was asked to pack off. When in Punjab, he asked to learn Gurumukhi as it was an Indian language. He said in 1950s at Darbhanga, if Jharkhand could be a state why not Mithila which had such a great history. He said somewhere in Tamilnadu to learn Tamil as it was an Indian language and had said every Indian language is our language for the sake of convenience Sanskrit was communication language and if that was not possible Hindi could do that work, he uttered so in the heydays of anti-Hindi agitation in Tamilnadu.
Kelkar has presented a view that Deoras was modern in the sense that he did not oppose English which to my information is incorrect. In RSS, the tradition is to translate one’s lecture in local language, the guest delivering in Hindi all over except in Tamilnadu where one could speak in English, if proficient but there in Tamilnadu too Deoras after his accent as chief had replied this question to a press reporter that if French would have won whether we would have pleaded for French as communication language?
So where he was Hindiphobic or Anglophilic. The distinction of the RSS is that there any swayamsevak would reply any national question in the same as any Sarsanghcahlak would. I feel if there is a discrepancy, probably one is untrained to the RSS philosophy and by putting such vex examples whether Kelkar wants to prove that Deoras(or Golwalkar) themselves were ‘untrained.”
I feel this had been only as a matter of collecting point in favour once you have accepted a theory that both were in contradiction.

Regarding the ‘political and economic contents of RSS-inspired Hindutwa, ’it is true RSS per say speaks less about it and Golwalkar maintained that Indian economists would found suitable remedies for our maladies and western model of Marxism or capitalism would not be its reply. I use to say that Marxism and capitalism are two faces of the same coin. In fact, without a spiritual surge consumerism would go up.
Golwalkar had in one of the meeting I was present had said that if one has to emulate west , emulate the good persons having sage like behavior and he had asked us to name such saint also(whether he was Father of Assisi?)
It must be accepted that Hindu Dharma is the national Dharma and the concept of Hindu Rastra has emerged once country was attacked and ruled by Muslim invaders who despite their semblance to local community tried to look different in their practices(Mecca is in the West of India but average Indian who worships rising sun in the East would find it opposite though in the evening a Hindu is to worship facing west where Sun is setting.
RSS challenged those spoke against the idea of Hindu Rastra but surprisingly it was Muslim League which got a nation Pakistan on two nation theory. If Muslims were a nation why not Hindus? RSS stated that there might have been long running political nation state but Hindu Rashtra had been unabated.
Kelkar had debated the issue genuinely and there Golwalkar’s genius has been acknowledged.
Territorial nationalism vs. cultural nationalism(p 30) in fact co lease in Hindus cases as Hindus have hardly state-nation outside(Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and to some of the West Indies nations where Mauritius and Fiji Hindus or its appendages are ruling,)In some other African nation Hindus are sizable and there privileged somewhere and also persecuted for being Hindus by the natives (Uganda for example).
Kelkar left the RSS(p.32) finding 1.RSS’s man-making machine had stopped 2. RSS became other sect (and for it he labeled Golwalkar at fault which was not correct) and 3. The persons from RSS started compromising ethics and principles- to some of them I too would agree but to me man making machine work stopped because overstress on the political work(which as per Kelkar was lovable to Deoras) and in fact a true and faithful nature of the ‘sect’ of the RSS was lost in rapid transition of the BJP from the BJS which hurt most the RSS and in fact towering personalities of the RSS were lost with time and among them the greatest tower was Golwalkar himself after which a mix of saintliness with national politics was lost.
In Gandhi’s case Binoba and Nehru were two distinct and divergent path which in Hedgewar-Golwalkar case VHP and BJS could not continue on designed path and refracted to Bajarang Dal and other ‘hot’ sequestration from ideological planate with no sanction of the authority and embracing Marx inspired Socialists and others of the Congress satellite despite evolution of the BJP after isolation by others, the BJP could never get equal sanction from the RSS as that of BJS and though public in the loss of alternative voted it near to power it came again as NDA in power with the elements in contradiction to BJP and power sharing on anti-Congress ethos did not help much the BJP which lost mandate of the people soon because those traditionally voted it found it no better than the Congress they hated.
Lost of political soil, and commands from the RSS bereft of senior statesmen, the rudderless BJP became other Congress because it was almost congessized with opportunistic factions and such happenings created repulsion among many good thinking workers like Kelkar himself and it was the real cause of his exit though he could not pen it and such exits were too painful to describe, one may summate that such long writings by a consultant doctor like him(or me) are as if a ‘hysterical reaction’ which seeks attention of those who had been near and dear.
A long list of the acknowledged persons(where I too stand among few out of Maharashtra and Karnataka) Kelkar worked simply narrates the large group of workers of a place who were disillusioned seeing what they never imagined. If some 10 times of such names are imaginarily added whom Kelakar did not know and who were like named person, a grand Galaxy of RSS workers would be created who should have been in position to control the things and not exported items made in MNCs(Multi named coleuses of congress and communists, socialists including who joined BJP as ‘opportunistic infections’ when immunodeficient body gets such ; as such loss of immunity in the RSS trunk was because of lack of attention to its roots(Shakhas) which Golwalkar nurtured for long 33 years asking everyone of us..gath padhati, shakha sthan, gansamata, suryanamaskar, and lines of prarthana..continous pravas and meeting persons personally..
A yogi’s sadhana was wasted by the inefficient heirs who could not understand distinction between social and political work- the RSS can state its grand record of social work but newspapers carry BJP’s presidential ascension on RSS whips..
1992 episode of Jambhumi demolition was in fact liked by majority of Hindus and hence BJP’s votes increased but having an unholy alliance with Hindu-Baiters if not, Muslim appeasing sections was not liked by the core supporters of BJS?BJP and it resulted in dichotomy of the values.
How it could happen ? Because in post-Deoras era there was sudden influx of tainted people in BJP . Had they gone to RSS for their remolding it would have work but in fact RSS started losing sanctity.
I feel the root malady lies in the RSS working as it is root of the Sangh Pariwar. Had RSS been strict, deflections in pariwar organizations would have been shaped. RSS lost its values because it lost great masters who used to freeze any volcanic eruption in turbulent mind.
A discussion that would have a better account for the study of the RSS than Deoras/ Golwakar dichotomy if at all those existed which has no national relevance. 19452-1962 even if Deoras would have been in charge hardly any difference would have come as then RSS was not a mighty organization and with a seed (to become PM’ even if it was correct) and early political polarization and tussle of Deoras with Deendayal like saint or Jagannath Rao Joshi-Vajpayee like orators or Sundar Singh Bhandari-Kushabahu Thakre like orgnisers would have occurred with no yielding results.
I would rather say Kelkar has attempted a ‘ghost story’ with no purpose, maybe a time pass reading.
Minus these accounts the book is a good narration but not reflecting RSS’s mould of working and its great vista.
Because a great deal of the book has been on the political ethnography of the RSS let me mention that it is again the author is trapped with an anti-Golwalkar mania while the fact remains that RSS work is ‘ Pro Hindu work,’ since its inception and though not taught this pro-Hindu stance of Hedgewar had a seedling on the canvass of log Muslim rule on the country with dissenting Hindu fight by Shivajee and others and then Congress under Gandhi shadow of Khilafat could sprout in a nationalistic mind that Hindu organization is a pill for every ill. Whether then our imminent problem was to be fought with Muslims was the cause of Lucknow pact by Tilak and others to dethrone English but would it result the rule of Shivajee or Hindus or secular must have tormented Hedgewar mind and certainly he was not one for whom British was a problem but not Muslim rule. True Muslim rule was different from Muslim men but had been Hedgewar inclusive why not one listens any Muslim name in the RSS from the start? Dr. Hedgewar was calling Savarkars (elder and Vinayak) though may be having some different views but it was not surely Gandhi’s or Congress’s Hindu + Muslim against British view. So, if Hedgewar asked Golwalkar to thank and while thanking he delineated views that RSS would not be youth or political wing of Savarkar’s theory was not Golwakar expressing a view of Hedgewar as his best disciple which he continued till his last breath despite a political formation of BJS.
Who inspired Hedgewar to declare Golwalkar as his heir as it was Hedgewar who had called that learned man and time proved that he followed his line till his last breath and the RSS if is continuing till day is Golwalkar’s work despite several onslaughts- bans, moral dilution and what not.
One may not publicly admit views of Golwalkar in ‘We,’ or ‘Our Nationhood defined,’ in personal talk every Hindu will accept that Golwalkar was a right. Remember 1939 was era when it was written with a looming vivisection of the nation which was done despite Gandhi being alive.
Whether Golwalkar distanced himself from his writing in youth is other matter. Working mostly in free and secular India he and his followers developed ‘pseudo-secularism,’ for the polity and problem with hard core RSS workers and BJP cadre voters are that BJP had been trapped in that. Any dilution of policy by Deoras would not have been accepted nor it was despite some invitation to Muslims by him or talks by Sudarshan in later years.
The national scenario is still more complicated with Islamic terrorism on the international arena and true a theory of inclusion of all in RSS umbrella would not work with a saffron flag? Question is who is capable of replacing saffron or even ‘decoluring’ it and I find none in the RSS stalks and cadre and I feel sorry for Kelkar that he had conjectured that Deoras would have done so? NO, Never. Deoras was a student of Hedgewar , if not of Golwalkar and one can not portray Hedgewar less than a Hindu organizer.
The matter is whether Hindu organization is sufficient to change the national polity. Any RSS thinker would reply in affirmative because he/she is aware of the immense potentialities of Hindu treasures of work and true, if Hindus are changed , a minority will also.
RSS does not stand for anti-Muslim thoughts but if Muslims would take anti-Hindu stance and terror RSS retaliates or not Hindu will and so it happened at Biharsharif and Belchhi.
For long ‘un-united’ Hindus were solo travelers in their life but be Shivajee, Guru Govind , Chhatrasal or Hedgewar espoused their internal energy like that of a Hanuman on coercing his tails.
Hindus are by and large a Hanuman quality who are satisfied with little and are peaceful with whatever they had and are usually rule abiders and so extreme from Brother Bharat to a disciple of Chhatrasal, Shivajee came to the picture and it saw how a few Muslim hordes looted our wealth and women- being incommunicative were ‘un-united’ sometimes oiled with anger of egos like Maharani Prate with his brother Shakhty and so some even offered daughters(Jodha) to the same Muslim Akbar who had beheaded Hindu Raja Hemu in Panipat II.
Nehruvites may claim Akabar’s greatness but a Muslim Akbar was not great is on historical realms he became great when he left Islam and accepted Deen –e-Elahi.
Even after centuries Mewaris do not marry their daughters to Marwaris.
No Deoras can change this even if this was his view which I do not accept. My illiterate amide only few days before protested as to how I could take a snack from a converted Christian though vegetarian they cook beef and pork in the same utensil and true, I had bad feelings long hours till other day.
If non-Hindus would like to insult Hindus by slaughtering cows how any sensible Hindus will favour a unity with them. Hindus are persecuted and expelled from Kashmir and Arundhati expects we should support the separatists on human rights despite in the news that in Pakistan Hindu girls are looted and nikah is still done and in the Bangladesh hundreds of temples were razed in protest to Ayodhya where a temple was demolished not a mosque as it housed a Ramlala and its walls I had seen with Kalash and Kamal, not to be imagined in any mosque and there are myriads of mini-temples around it like any pilgrim centre of Hindus, the nearest mosque is far away in Faizabad..
If RSS would leave Hindu protection other outfit would spring as problem is here.
Muslims are given reservation based on castes which are said to be prerogatives of Hindus and by this way seats of backward Hindus are lessoned.
The problem of caste is of Hindus and Hindus are majority of the nation- true as Kelkar wrote Ramsawami Naikar or Ambedkar spoke for Dalits and the fat is that they were listened to by Hindus only. Any non-Hindu if supported them their action was not the benefit of downtrodden Hindus but to waken Hindu forces as a whole as on Hindu’s weakness thrive non-Hindus(except Parasis and Jews) polity and number. For Hindus equality Golwalkar’s VHP creation would remain an unparallel work- Na Hindu patitah bhavati..
I do not feel Deoras would have been a paisa different view than him.
Golwalkar identified Christians too as a problem in sensitive tribal area and he encouraged Vanvasi kalyan ashram which has in fact thwarted their progress in many areas of tribal domination. Current Naxal upsurge is also having this dimension where RSS has failed despite its deep work in dense areas. Poverty alleviation programme need focus through all governments but sadly the central and state government is directionless in the glamour of globalization

RSS believed in positive Hinduism and it should otherwise its space will be taken by some other such Hindu organization. Shiv Sena could not do it because they attacked south and currently north Hindus. Hindus are Hindus anywhere like Muslims or Christians are Muslims or Christians anywhere. In a divided polity Muslim appeasement will make one successful but when anti vs. anti- question come politician will line up to Hindu line. We should not go in depth what Golwalkar wrote in WE but think what we as Hindus want ? And that will be not less what Golwalkar said. Wherever Hindus are in minority secularism went backseats. Bunch of Thoughts may look sectarian but who reads those books, at least not those who are active in field. Golwalkar’s greatness does not come low because of his thoughts for Hindus.
After all Paigambar and Christ too had thought and spoke for their sect only. Read them and find exclusiveness of others to reach Heaven.

How Golwalkar was established(page 41) does not matter as Deoras was sailing the same boat- it was the establishment of the RSS where they and many unnamed had worked. What about Baba sahib Apte or pracharaks in every corner. In RSS rightly said system works and Sarsanghchalak is merely’ a friend , philosopher and guide.’ If Sarkaryavah as per its constitution is CEO it was never(after death of Hedgewar), Golwalkar and so why criticizing him. Probably Sarsanghchalak is also a ‘ Mukhauta,’ of the Hindu people what they want and country can not remain peaceful with their rejection in their own land.
Golwalakr was averse of political power(p.43-44) and true he was one like that.
After first ban in 1948, Congress would have liked to use RSS(p.45) which Golwakar refused. Currently many of Congress men and socialists are sailing RSS boat with BJP shudders(even reached till the top ones, no problem if they espouse Hindus rights but sorry they are there for their own games and places and that is the point to ponder. With extension people from other walk will come, welcome them but not to notorious and power seekers, position mongers.
The BJS formed in 1947 was a necessity or a wrong step? Anyway, RSS was not responsible- it would have even otherwise because there was none to represent Hindu space- fragile old Hindu Mahasabha was not agile, Same Prasad died soon and Mauklichandra was egoist, yet BJP sprang due to caliber of many RSS workers and space for Hindu party..
A defeat in election in 1952(p.48) is merely for a historical record. The country after independence wanted to give Congress a free hand and there was neither political space nor towering persons which many opposition parties could have by 1960s only.
Dissidence in RSS(p.49) was not abnormal after passing through such dreaded periods of partition and ban on the RSS. Golwalkar might have been a man of firm attitude but was it not needed from a person at his position. He thought RSS’s main work was important and he did it but not that did not allow ABVP or BJS or not supplied those manpower and that too of the 24 cerate persons. Let me say I did not get other hand in Deoras (though he sanctioned NMO) and post-Deoras period for the NMO despite many doctors like Kelkar working full fleged even as pracharak (like Dr. Sukumar in Andhra I asked many times from my margdarshak). In fact political work saturated getting prioritization in post- Golwakar era which was sad though RSS pariwar did spread far and wide(and its foundation too was mostly done by Golwalkar as Kelkar too admits in his book).True, pracharks were given more weight age(p.52) and many of them were not of quality and it deteriorated but what Kelkar not wrote that persons intruding in the BJP mostly were clever who identified that such pracharaks were power centre and did everything good to be in their esteem and in fact a right worker was a bit debating and dissenting view taker was marginalized(like my case) by such psychophants.
I think Golwalkr’s description of sharp tongue and ruthless is useless and unnecessary otherwise there would have been revolt in his long tenure or work would have been closed or much reduced. I think such dedicated persons criticism might have been taken by others as father’s or brother’s chidings. He was a saint , not merely a saint like. I do not think that he made RSS a ‘sect’ or place for his own reputation otherwise he would not have written in his last letter not to make any memorial of his despite n being mentor of such one of Dr. Hedgewar in Reshmbag.
I feel DR. Kelkar has out gone his limits here (p.52) which he himself contradicts (p.93-94)”The sacrifice made by Golwalkar for the RSS can be rarely matched by an example of an individual anywhere in this world.”
I do not need to comment more.
He might have said RSS work was for life long, continued, unabated—yes it was and is, It was not a sangharsh Samiti or Morcha for some tiny object. He was an eternal walker – true he was..Parakram and Pursharth(p.57) are truly needed all time for any community or nation. The political thrust and sensitivity of the RSS(p.58) was clear politics in Hindu(true Hindu) hands even after independence and so Hedgewar played with kids to make Deoras and like. Kelkar describing RSS’s stand on Chaturvarnay vis a vis Hindu Rastra is marred with his premonition of Golwalkar vs, Deoras.
Clearly Gohatya Bandi(page 80)of 1952 Vivekanand Rock memorial of 1962 and foundation of the VHP in 1966 should have been seen as Golwalkar’s vision of taking all parts of Hindu community under one umbrella and utterance “Na Hindu patitoh Bhavati,” is a great proclamation by Golwalkar and his dancing on such declaration by Peethadhipatis should have been praised rather criticized by Kelkar(page 81) and it is more a reply to the criticism that Golwalkar was of Brahminical Chaturvanya model- yes , he was but at no place he or such thinkers have hatred for other segments of Hinduism otherwise Golwalkar would not have strived so much for these actions.

Posing a question why Bhartiya Kisan Sangh was not formed in those days or Buddhist conversion by Ambedkar was not halted by Golwalkar in 1956 has no rational.
As per the RSS Buddhists (and Jainis and Sikhs)are Hindus and so it was an intra- adjustment though true RSS is leaned more towards Sanatan Dharma only because the majority of the Hindu community is like that.

Regarding the /unconvincing view of the past’,’ again Kelkar has missed that in the RSS never unscientific glory is praised. The acceptance of caste system so much argued by Kelkar (and Talwalkar, page 85), had no sense as I myself have listened to Golwalkar’ Those who say that we are for Hindus are themselves limited to different castes and at least we are not thinking for anyone less than Hindus,” meaning the RSS in its functioning had never a feeling of so called Brahminical or non-Brahminacal modes and in fact dividing whole society in these two groups are parts of a sinister plan which do not want Hindu supremacy in India which on account of number and devotion to the country should be axiomatically. Is not this a role of RSS that Hindus who were shy of calling themselves Hindu in 1920s(as also accepted by Kelakar) are today proudly identify themselves as Hindus and that is the stage in the evolution of Hindu Rastra.(of course without bitterness to any body else).
Regarding writings of Navkal in1968(page 85), let me say that it has no all India impact. RSS shakhas and office bearers have majority of backwards and even if there might have been some caste instigations by and large they are immune to the outside such criticism .
Whether Golwalkar cannot err(page 86) or not, it can be argued that he had not erred in RSS functioning is the thought of the majority of the Swayamsevaks of his time I came across and talked recently after this book which is lost in a debate of Golwalkar vs. Deoras (like Vajpayee vs. Advani).
Regarding political-economic philosophy Golwalkar used to say. ‘a doctor should be health minister and an engineer irrigation minister(look at Greece what they have done after financial crisis in 2011, appointment of a non-political ministry which might be called Golwalkar’s model of democracy.
Non-confrontational. Non-competitive, co-operative and interdependent classless ‘s dream of Golwalakar(page 87) was not utopian rather in contrast to class based communists , socialists and dominated by those in Congress but never Golwalkar can be sided by capitalists(Swatantra party of those days and post- Gorbachove world of capitalism where communism and capitalism have been proved to be the faces of the same coin.
Deen Dayal or Gadhi’s economic thoughts were like that of the old Hindu wisdom which had village as its almost independent unit which Golwalkar used to say , “Roman empires vanished because that was based on slavery, ours thrived because of village level autonomy.
Kelkar may be mesmerized by the Tofflerian waves but not today’s FDI’s call is anti-poor and if one talks for interdependence one will have to answer whether dependence was sought between equals or unequal on the term of economic status.
Ecologies and environment was sustained long by village level interdependent system not by the jet-kingfisher alignment (which has failed since publication of the book in a year).
Kelkar accepts that communists have killed more than the lives saved and formed NRW CLASS in search of a classless society.
Deoras’ s answer to Class/ Caste hegemony was not different from Golwalkar’s.
Decrying or equating Charvarnya has no semblance in modern era where main fight is with the consumerism-which can be fought by four purusharth’s aim( not dhan and kam but moksha and dharm’s river bounder by kam and dhan as was said by Golwalkar and was expanded by his worthy disciple Deendayal- though none of them were saying any new thing but the explanation of the old time-tested Hindu life philosophy.
Integral Humanism of Deen Dayal (or Radical humanism of Manvendranath Rai) is nothing but new exposition of old Hindu thoughts which I say simply, ‘Spiritual Marxism(and when Marx will meet Sprit what will remain- the Humanism only).
RSS people are by and large are respected in society for their simplicity in life which Gandhi practiced. Even Gandhi was accepted when he had loin cloth( and Gandhi of patloon was rejected )
Yin-Yang/ oriental,-Occidental theories(p.91) might or might not have Darwininian concept or Freudian concept but looking Indian problem with the one or other psyche may be at best can be called an academic exercise. The lives in Indian villages have been lived not by those theories but by their self consciously adapted norms based on millennium an dif any tribulations it is from newer so called advances based on all sorts of financial and unethical ways of promiscuous lives.
Telling the RSS had been anti-developmental is wrong when one remembers Golwalkar’s saying-‘economy of the country should be decided by the economists which is not my subject.”
True, Golwalkar criticized some demerits of democracy but he never appreciated other forms of governance.
Golwalkar Deen Dayal, Thengdi did not like many aspects of the Indian Constitution)p.93) but their view of ‘unitary’ tilted in favour than ‘federal’ is the essence of the constitution though used so far in a worse way. Unitary centralized model is not Fascist but should be seen through a nationalist angel where divisive forces are unabated.
When Kelkar accepts(p.93),Golwalkar’s ‘sacrifice, can be rarely matched by an example of an individual anywhere in this world,’ his thinking ‘what he did from it- has not been judged by Kelkar properly- In fact Deoras could expand social work only because Golwalkar made foundation so strong.
Criticizing him becomes senseless on this point.
Golwalkar’s initiation of swaymsevaks thinking in ‘one way’ has made the RSS and nation stronger and his correct vision on China(and America) also perfectly delineates he was a leader(who has values, vision and ability to create a community around) and Deoras was not out of that. Deshpande’s question(p/94) is foolish as army is made for protection not for farming so RSS shakhas were to make all organized and so dozens of pariwar organizations were created(95).
(To be completed —-.27.2.2012)

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you abused my dalit friend Anurodh Paswan. I was shocked to read the private message you sent him abusing , it was wrong both morally and legally. there is also suspicion of fake identity which will be now cleared once the facebook would respond the complain made by one of our friends! your wisdom was reflected while treating a dalit activist in a manner uncalled for. only english does not make a person wise!!

who is this Priyanka? I came to know once she was re oved from the Facebook friends list by rakesh Sinha , she abused another facebook friend Anurodh paswan. she virtually begged to be in his friends list and agains she was thrown out. ffelin gpity for whoever she or he may be!!

Rakesh Sinha’s writing shows that he clearly lacked intellegence from the very begining. When the guy asked the difference between him and Nathuram Godse, he wanted Sinha’s input on human nature based on the “individual level of analysis”, instead, he tried to justify his radical belief on the basis of guiding principles of an organization affiliated to struggling minority community in India. The person who questioned him needs to be credited for his farsightedness; Just look at the Babri Masjid demolition or Godhra carnage; each and every radicals involved in slaughtering humans were people like nathuram Godse and Rakesh Sinha, who were politically indoctrinated over the times. I have a serious doubt on the committee which decide to hand him gold medals;I wouldn’t be surprise if they belong to the same fraternities as Godse and Sinha.
When Mr Sinha talks about perception, interpretation and facts, I find it a blatant case of hypocracy.Its even funny to hear that his desertation is on the folklore, fables and tales of Indian communist movement. I personally congratulated him on his PhD for foul talking against communist leaders and parties of India.Its quite a contradiction; He wrote his Masters thesis on radical Hedgewar and now a PhD in cursing communist. Hitler did the same thing; Hate the communist and push forward the radical beliefs like the one Sinha endures!

गोष्ठी में यह जानते हुवे भी की कवि-पत्रकार मंगलेश डबराल घोषित वामपंथी हैं अध्यक्षता का आमन्त्रण देना सोचनीय था वैसे विषय “समांतर सिनेमा का सामाजिक प्रभाव” सामाजिक था. प्रतिष्ठान भी क्या प्रगतिशीलता का प्रमाणपत्र चाहता है?
उन्होंने प्रतिष्ठान में अपनी उपस्थिति को ‘चूक’ बताया तो इसमें अचरजकी बात नहीं हुई वामपंथ से जुड़ी बौद्धिकधारा संभव है की अभी भी साठ व सत्तर के दशक में ही ठहरी हुई है पर क्या राष्ट्रिय बौद्धिकधारा को वामपंथी सहकार की आवश्यकता है?

मैं नहीं समझता हूँ की कवक एक बात पर मिरजकर या किसी को कंही से निकाला जता है.
बंद दिमाग और बंद समाज नापसंद किया जा रहा है पर उसके खोले का तरीका विरोधियों को अध्यक्षता के लिए बुलाना नहीं है.

भोगेन्द्र झा भले ही कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी में रहे हों उनपर मिह्तिला का संस्कार था ? अपमे क्त्नोको पता है की उन्होंने अपने गाँव में संस्कृत बनाबाया था और वह जानकी नवमी और विद्यापति के प्रशंशक भी थे
: वैचारिक प्रेरणा संकीर्णता से मुक्त जरूर होनी चाहिए पर उन्मुक्त नहीं होनी चाहिए.

‘दबाव’ व ‘डर’ से अधिक ‘लोभ’ का प्रयोग हो रहा है. कई पत्रकार संघ में भी राज्यसभा का टिकट पाने जुड़ जाते हैं या जा का र्जोगद बैठाने लगता हैं

साहित्य क़ी व्यापक आधारभूमि कोई विचारधारा ही हो सकती है अन्यथा एक खिचडी लिखी जायेगी जो कभी -कभे एही खाई जा सकती है
‘प्रगतिशीलता कमुनिस्तों की बपौती नहीं है न ही केशरिया ब्रिगेड’ स्वतंत्रता, व्यक्तिकता और सामाजिकता को परिभाषित करने के लिए pragatisheeltaa का दमन pakdnaa awashyak है.
इस अन्तराष्ट्रीय पूँजी के खतरों और बाजारवादी ताकतों के षड्यन्त्र को के नाम पर वामपंथ को आरएसएस से जोड़ा नहीं जा सकता है
संघ को मार्क्स को पढने की आवश्यकता नहीं है मार्क्सवादियों के हिंदुत्व के अवधारणा का सांघिक दृष्टिकोण अवश्य पढ़ना चाहिए

समाजशास्त्री और लेखकों का संघ पार्टी के पूर्णकालिकों के हाथो में चला जाना अपने आप में तब तक समस्या नहीं है जबतक तब उसमे नारेबाजों को महत्व देनेवाओं का वर्चस्व नहीं हो
निराला-निर्मल-नामवर ने यदि गरीबों के लिए लिखा तो उन्हें प्रेमचंद की कोटि में देखा जाना चाहिए मार्क्स या अन्गेल्स के नहीं
रामविलास शर्मा को किसी के द्वारा ‘संघी’ घोषित कर dene से वे हम्रारे बौद्धिकधारा pravktaa नहीं हो jate
हर विषय बौद्धिक जगत से जोड़ा जा सकता है पर usme कहाँ, kiskaa क्या स्थान है यह ध्यान रखना चाहिए अन्यथा वही होता है जो हुआ.
समाज में परिवर्तन ऊपर के कुछ लोगों की सोच से नहीं होत, वल्कि नीचे से एक विशेष सोच लिए ही ऊपर उठते हैं और इसमें जब कुछ ठूसने की प्रवृत्ति आती है तो परिणाम ऐसा ही होता है – यह भी एक स्तालिनवादी प्रवित्ति का उपयोग मन जा सकता है
नीचे के स्टार पर तो आप अपने कादेरे को कमुनिस्तों से झगड़ने की बात करें और ऊपर उनके साथ बैठें
ध्यान रखें के ऊपर का कोई बड़ा आदमी नीचे का आम आदमी का ही प्रतिनिधि होता है- दिल्लीमे बैठ आप केरल के संघर्ष की व्यथा नहीं समझ सकते,

मृत्यु के बाद आयोजित सामाजिक कार्यक्रम की बात अलग है पर वहा मंच बना कैसे? अब किसी की मित्यु भी किसी के लिए प्रचार का साधना बन गया है जो शर्मनाक है प्रवृत्ति है . मैंने ऐसे कार्ड देखे भैन जिसमे आमंत्रण देने वाले व्यक्ति के राजनैतिक पद का विवरण परिचय में छपा है!

भाषा एवं भावनाओं का विमर्श ,. एक दूसरे के विचारो को समझने या आदान-प्रदान करने की आवश्यकता का निर्धारण कोई संसथान नहीं कर सकता , करेगा तो उस जगह कीचड़ ही उछलेगा और दृष्टिकोणों में बहस खो जाएगा . वामपंथ जगत में व्याप्त परस्पर अविश्वास, असहिष्णुता के साथ घोर व्यक्तिवाद को संघ विरोध के नाम पर तो बहुत दूर तक नहीं चलाया जा सकता पर संघ को ही क्या पडी है उनसे प्रमाणपत्र लेने की जबकी गोलवलकर साहेब ने उनके बारे में(व मुस्लिम, ईसाई के बारे में) अपना श्प्ष्ट मत दे दिया है.
संघ राजनीतिक मंच नहीं है की वह अपने मूल विचार धारा से समझौता करता फिरे
आरएसएस के नाम पर वैचारिक बहस की आवश्यकता है ही नहीं
संघ एक ठोस वैचारिक आधार पर खड़ा है और इसे समझने के लिए कोई बहस या किताब नहीं इसमें भाग लेकर स्पंदन अनुभव करना आवश्यक है
अमेरिका के निशाने पर संघ है या नहीं यह भी बेमानी है

‘भाजपा में मुस्लिम इक्के-दुक्के हैं यह बात भी sochne की नहीं है वा कम्युनिस्ट पार्टियाँ के साथ वे नहीं हैं यह भी हमारे सोचका विषय नहीं है
अतः वास्तविक प्रश्न हमें हिन्दुओं के बीच सामाजिक और धार्मिक पुनर्जागरण को समझने और समझाने का है जो वर्तमान सामाजिक राजनीतिक परोप्रेक्ष्य में सही दिशा में जाते नहीं लगता,
मुस्लिम में तजामुल हुसैन, एमएच बेग, एएए फैजी एवं आरिफ मोहम्मद खान जैसे प्रगतिशील चिंतकों को हाशिये पर हैं से से अधिक चिंता का विषय है क्या १०० वर्ष का संघ समाज के सब हिन्दुओं तक अपनी निष्ठां के आधार पर मानसिक जगह बना पायेगा

विचारधाराओं के बीच विरोध होना स्वाभाविक लगता है पर होता नहीं है
जेपी ने इसे अच्छी तरह समझा था मुझे इसमें संदेह है नहीं तो १९७७ के समय आतंरिक बहुमत के आधार पर युवा वाजपेयी को प्रधानमंत्री बनाये रहते और्देश का कया पलट हो गया रहता
उनके इभी अपनी ग्रंथियां थीं संघ के खिलाफ कांग्रेस सोसलिस्ट पार्टी और कम्यूनिस्टों सोनो में एक समानता थी की दोनों मार्क्साद के ही दो रूप थे और बाद में कांग्रेस नेहरु के नेतृत्वा में फिर छद्म मार्कवादी हे थे (पहले भले वह तिलक पूर्व सुविधावादी और तिलक के समय राष्ट्रवादी और गांधी के समय मुस्लिम तुष्टिवादी और आहादी के बाद वंशवादी हो गया)
जेपी महँ थे लेकिन रहे नेहरु के मित्र ही (सामाजिक नहीं मार्क्सवादी सिद्धांत के अद्धर पर) और शायद गाँधी- बिनोबा के साथ भी वे अध्य्त्मवादी नहीं हो पाए अतेव देश का नेतृत्व करते हुए भी अपेक्षित परिवर्तन नहीं कर पाए मैंने इस विषयमे पंडित राम नंदन मिश्र के मुख से भी एकाध संकेत सुने हैं.
1973 से 1978 तक वे संघ के करीब बने रहे-. यह उनका अवसरवाद भलके नहीं हो पर लोकतंत्र और परिवर्तन के प्रति संघ को वे प्रतिबद्धता का प्रतीक नहीं मन पाए

संवाद उद्देश्यपूर्ण होता तभी सार्थक होता है. अन्यथा अनावश्यक आलोचना होना स्वाभाविक है.
आप प्राध्यापक हैं , राजनीती विज्ञानी हैं सो तो ठीक पर क्षमा करें आप ‘विचारक’ हैं इसमें संदेह है विषैला होना व मधुर अलग बात है
बहसों से विचार नहीं आता वह तो आत्मानुभूति से होती है जिसके लिए साधना की आवश्यकता होती है
लोकतंत्र लोकतंत्र होता है वैचारिक वा अवैचारिकनहीं
. वैचारिक कट्टरता विश्वविद्यालयों में कहाँ है वह तो छोटे शहरों और गाँव में है मे है
.इस लेख में आपके गोल्ड मेडल का उल्लेख अनावश्यक है
आपने “POLITICAL IDEAS OF DR K B HEDGEWAR” पर DISSERTATION में क्या लिखा वह भी इसका विषय नहीं है वैसे डॉ. हेडगेवार को थेसिस से नहीं समझा जा सकता – उन्हें समझने के लिए (चूँकि वे स्वर्गीय हैं) उन्होंने जिनको तैयार किया उनको समझना आवश्यक है
यह सही है की so every adherent of Hindu Rashtra is not Nathuram Godse. न ही वह संघ का स्वयंसेवक था पर उसके पास भी अपने तर्क थे वैसे उन्हें उठाना परिक्षा की दृष्टि में उचित नहीं था
”
डॉ. हेडगेवार की पहली जीवनी अपने जरूर देखि होगी , उसके कुछ्पत्रों से आपको उनके व्यक्तित्व का आभास मिल गया होगा
यदि अपने को हिन्दू कहना sectarian है तो डॉ. हेडगेवार का अन्यायी सेक्टारियन है
और इसमें कोई शर्म की बात नहीं है
न हे इसके लिए उसे समाजवादी एवं मार्क्सवादियो से विमर्श करने की आवश्यकता है
सही में बौद्धिक एवं व्यक्तिगत जीवन में ईमानदारी, प्रतिबद्धता और मूल्यों के प्रति निष्ठा आवश्यक है और अपनी बातों को दृढ़ता से रखना चाहिए विना सोचे की मंच पर दुसरे क्या सोचते हैं – यही डॉ. हेडगेवार का जीवन था
. सच्चरित्रता अपने आप में जन प्रतिबद्धता देता है बौद्धिकता का उतना महत्वा नहीं है – स्वामी विविकानंद ने कहा था- दो तिहाई व्यक्ति का चरित्र बोलता है एक तिहाई ही भाषण .
संघ की विचारधारा दक्षिणपंथी नहीं है की उसे वामपंथ की उलझन हो और दोनों को एक दुसरे के विरुद्ध खड़ा करने की कोशिश भले ईमानदारी में लगती हो, एक भूल ही है.
यदि आपको यह लगता है क़ि संवाद की प्रक्रिया से कुछ सुधा रहो आप करें
वामपंथ के लोगों के आने से प्रतिष्ठान या संघ को वैधानिकता मिलती हैया नहीं इसकी चिंता न करें साथ ही आपका परतिश्थान संघ का पर्याय नहीं हो सकता न ही हेडगेवार-गोलवलकर अधिष्ठान जो मजबूत धरातल पर है वह हिंदुत्व के प्रति आत्मभाव से समर्पित किसी सामान्य व्यक्ति का जो किसी वैधानिकता का मुंहताज नहीं है.
एइसे संवाद बुद्धिविलास के प्रतीक हो सकते हैं , आवश्यक भी पर अधिक आवश्यक है उन कोटि-कोटि हिन्दुओं को जागृत करना जो आपके बौद्धिक आयामों के काबिल नहीं भी हो सकते हों वे ही नव साम्राज्यवादियों एवं विदेशी एवं देशी पूँजी के साठ-गांठ का मुकाबला करेंगे

हिंदुत्व एक धारणा है तथ्यों पर अद्दरित है

नव प्रयोग वादी की तरह आप तथ्य प्रयोग आदि बात करते हैं पर भूल जाते हैं की धारणाएं पिछले अनेकानेक प्रयोगों की उपज हैं जो तथ्य और प्रयोग आप एक जीवन व युग में पूरा दोहरा भी नहीं सकते.
धारणा का महत्वा है व्याख्या उसी आधार पर की जाती है जैसे ज्ञाता म, ज्ञान और गये एक ही चीज है( गीता १३ अध्याय) का नंबर अंत में आता है.
विमर्श में जीत-हार किसी विचारधारा की नहीं होती है पर यदि विचारधाराएँ अलग हैं तो सत्य एक ही होगा न! , सिर्फ सत्य परक विचार आगे बढ़ता है और समाज उसे स्वीकारता है ठीक है . स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती ने काशी के तीन सौ मूर्तिपूजक ब्राह्मणों के साथ अकेले संवाद किया था पर मूर्ती पूजा का उनके विरोध को हिन्ब्दु समाज ने तार्किक रूप से भले मना हो व्यावहारिक नहीं हुआ. जिस महामना बुद्ध ने इसका विरोध किया उन्हें हे इक अवतार और उनकी मूर्ति बामियान तक खादी कर दी
जिसे तोड़ना बहशीपन था बनाना नहीं जबकी बुद्ध स्वयम मूर्तिवादी नहीं थे
वैचारिक धरातल पर आवाजाही को कोई छह कर भी रोक नहीं सकता वैचारिक बह़लता (ideological pluralism) के नाम पर देश को धर्मशाला के रूप में नहीं देखा जा सकता है जिसका मालिक वह नहीं है जो इसको बुलबुला समझता है वल्कि वह जो इसे अपनी मातृभूमि समझता है और वह केवल एक राजनीतिक इकाई नहीं है
स्टालिनवाद कबका स्तालिनग्राद में भी मर चुका है उसकी चिंता करने की जरुरत नहीं है न ही वह चक्रव्यूह है जिसे वहीं लोगों ने तोड़ दिया क्योंकि मार्क्सवादमें इन्हारेंट डिफेक्ट है इसके लिए अभिमन्यु की जरूरत ही नहीं है.

वामपंथ की फ़िक्र छोडो,अभी तो घर संभालिये!
२००३ की साम्प्रदायिक फसल काटकर नरेंद्र मोदी जो सत्ता में आये थे उन्होंने संघ को और उसके घोषित प्रतिनिधि को मुंबई कार्यकारिणी बैठक से न केवल गेट आउट कराया बल्कि रेल का रिटर्न टिकट भी केंसल करा दिया कि कहीं गुजरात के संघी कार्यकर्ता उनके जगह-जगह स्वागत के नाम पर नरेंद्र मोदी रूपी भस्मासुर को चुनौती देने वाले केसू भाई ,सुरेस मेहता और दफारिया जैसे ख्यातनाम नेताओं का पुनरागमन सुनिश्चित न कर दें.सत्ता का स्वाद चखने के बाद नरेंद्र मोदी अब संघ का कितना आदर करते हैं? कर्नाटक में येदुरप्पा ने संघ रूपी महादेव की तपस्या भंग करनेमें कामदेव का रोल अदा किया है की नहीं? राजस्थान में यशोधरा राजे संघ को फूटी आँखों नहीं देखना चाहती इसका ताज़ा प्रमाण यह है कि संघनिष्ठ व्यक्ति कि राजस्थान यात्रा पर न केवल रोक लगवा दी बल्कि भावी मुख्यमंत्री कि कुर्सी सुनिश्चित करने के लिए ७२ में से ६२ विधायकों के त्यागपत्र इन महरानिजी ने अपने पर्स में रख छोड़े हैं क्या संघ का भी यही आदेश था?मध्यप्रदेश में उत्तराखंड में भाजपा और संघ परिवार कि मारामारी आपसी मारकाट तक पहुँच चुकी है ,मध्यप्रदेश के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री बाबूलाल गौर और उत्तराखंड के रमेश पोखरियाल से पूंछो कि ‘संघ’ने कब कहा था की कांग्रेस कि तो तारीफ करो और संघ से प्रशिक्षित भाजपाइयों को सरे आम रुसवा करो?
कम्युनिस्टों के पास खोने को कुछ नहीं है.उन्हें [अहिंसावादियों को ] न तो संसदीय प्रजातंत्र में सम्मान मिला और न ही पूंजीवादी बुर्जुआ वर्ग द्वारा संचालित मीडिया में किसी किस्म का नैतिक समर्थन. परिणाम स्वरूप स्थिति यह है कि अनेक राष्ट्रों में अन्ततोगत्वा उग्र वामपंथ का मार्ग प्रशस्त होता नजर आ रहा है जिसके लिए वही लोग जिम्मेदार होंगें जो आज उस विचारधारा के अहिंसक स्वरूप को भी डरावना निरुपित कर रहे हैं.

अब तक का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण हस्तक्षेप है लाल दुर्ग में. कहीं भावनात्मक या हलकी टिप्पणी इस लेख में नहीं किया गया है. ऐतिहासिक संदर्भो और घटनाओ को theorise जिस तरीके से किया गया है वह वामपंथियों को महंगा पद रहा है. इसने तो वाम खेमे में ही बहस चला दी है. वाम मार्गी वेबसाइट हस्तक्षेप पर इसका सतही जवाब किसी चंचल ने दी है. जवाब पढ़कर लगता है जैसे किसी हरे हुए पथिक के मन का गुबार है. खैर राकेशजी ने जिस प्रकार वामपंथ की प्रव्रित्तियो को उजागर किया है उसमे उन्होंने बाकि लेल्हाको की तरह हाकी या फुहार बात नहीं की है. उन्होंने विमर्श को एक स्टार दिया है. इसे आर एस एस बनाम कम्युनिस्ट विमर्श नहीं बनाने दे तो अच्छा रहेगा. राकेश जी ने इस बात की सावधानी बरती है. प्रवक्ता एक महत्वपूर्ण मंच है इससे अपेक्षा है कि इस विमर्श को व्यवस्थित स्वरुप दे. इस रचनात्मक और विद्वतापूर्ण योगदान के लिए प्रवक्ता और राकेश सिन्हा जी दोनों को बधाई और धन्यवाद्. इस लेख को पढ़कर मन तृप्त हो गया.

“बौद्धिक एवं व्यक्तिगत जीवन में ईमानदारी, प्रतिबद्धता और मूल्यों के प्रति निष्ठा यदि नहीं है तो चाहे आप जिस भी विचारधारा के हों और जिस भी अख़बार में स्तंभकार हों या पुस्तकों को छापने का कारखान चलाते हों या जितने भी मंचों पर मुख्य अतिथि बनते हों आप इतिहास के कूड़ेदान में फेक दिए जाएँगे. सच्चरित्रता और जन प्रतिबद्धता बौद्धिकता को स्थायी भाव प्रदान करता है.”

विस्तृत व आईना दिखाता हुआ एक सशक्त लेख

देवता पत्थर के इनके,
प्रेरणा जड़,
बंन्धुभाव शत्रुता प्रेरित,
प्रगतिवाद इनका,
है खोखला बख्तर,
संवाद इनसे अनुचित,
—-
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